Yury Dmitriev in his own words
“Sandarmokh means something special to me. It’s where I’ve put into practice several other tasks I set myself.
“I’d like the people living in Karelia to feel that they are part of a nation, and not just the population. Belonging to a nation means you know your own history, language, culture and traditions. The population is anything that shows signs of life. To govern a nation, you must know and respect its customs, traditions and codes of behaviour; the population can be managed anyway you like. A nation can’t be herded about, it will stand its ground. The population is easy and simple to direct. To stand firm and survive this uncertain period, so that those in charge are replaceable, they are elected, we need to educate our nation.
On Tuesday, 26 December, we were waiting for two reports: one about what happened that day at the Petrozavodsk City Court; the other, an account of a recent investigation into the new row over who is buried at Sandarmokh, and how they died.
An excerpt from a long interview with MARIA KARP on Radio Svoboda last Friday, concerning her major new biography of George Orwell (1903-1950), sets these issues in a broad context that embraces the last century as well as this.
As a board member of the Pushkin Club, Maria (Masha) Karp opened the recent London evening in support of Yury Dmitriev. In the following response concerning Orwell’s continuing relevance, she quotes the example of Dmitriev’s work and his present trial.
“Your colleague, Yury Dmitriev, is now on trial in Karelia,” asks Radio France Internationale interviewer. “Many link the prosecution to his work for Memorial. What’s your view?”
Well, everything in this world is connected, but sometimes there are direct links. In this case that is not exactly true. It would not be correct to say that Yury Dmitriev was looking, with us, for the Sandarmokh burial ground, that he took part in the Days of Remembrance there, and that is why he was arrested.
Irina Flige, director of the Memorial Research and Information Centre (St Petersburg)
What we can say, today, is that there is no case against him — he has committed no crime. His friends, acquaintances and colleagues know that; so does his defence attorney who has examined the case files in detail. Without doubt, Yury Dmitriev is a political prisoner. That is not only our opinion. It is the view of all his supporters, those 30,000 and more who signed the petition submitted to the court.
Someone issued instructions that Dmitriev be put on trial. As often happens, we do not know who is behind the charges and how the case took shape. As always with political trials, however, what triggered this case will sooner or later become public knowledge.
For the full text of the interview,
see Rights in Russia No 36 (269), 27 November 2017
“There are lives that seem remarkable, but if you look closely, you’ll see that another could have done as well,” writes Russian author Sergei Lebedev. “There are lives, however, that are an ideal fit. You can’t imagine anyone else doing the same. Yury Dmitriev is one of those.
“Journalists have called him Khottabych (or even Gandalf), a wizard or a folk hero. At first this seemed amusing and appropriate. Yet at some point it ceased to be helpful: it was as though the writers themselves weren’t sure what to do with Dmitriev — where to place him, how to describe him.” Continue reading
Another of those shot at Sandarmokh between 27 October and 4 November 1937 was Oleksiy SARVAN (1893-1937). The March 1937 Resolution from the White Sea Canal corrective-labour camps (see below) sends Sarvan for trial because of his “systematic anti-Soviet work” among his fellow prisoners.
Andriy Stepanovich PANIV was shot at Sandarmokh eighty years ago. He was one of 1,116 prisoners, marked for execution, who were shipped from Solovki to the mainland in autumn 1937.
Born 1899, Paniv was a rural schoolteacher in Ukraine (1918-1923), a writer, poet, journalist and translator. Before his arrest, he lived in the “Word” building in Kharkiv, then the capital of Soviet Ukraine.
“It is exactly 80 years since the killing by quota began of Ukrainian, Russian and other prisoners from the notorious Solovki Labour Camp,” writes HALYA COYNASH for the website of the Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group. “From 27 October to 4 November 1937, 1,111 prisoners were executed by the NKVD, including 289 Ukrainian writers, playwrights, scientists and other members of the intelligentsia.” Their bodies, like those of nearly eight thousand other victims shot in the vicinity, were tossed into burial pits at Sandarmokh in Karelia (Russia) and remained lost until 1997.
Continue reading …
For decades the killing fields of the Stalin regime remained unmarked and abandoned, the only clues to their presence being that all the trees were of the same age, unlike a natural forest or grove, and the distinctive outlines of the burial pits, though these were fast disappearing beneath the undergrowth … Continue reading
Writer Ludmila Ulitskaya in
the courthouse corridor on 11 October 2017.
This 4-minute clip from the Meduza news website also includes footage of Dmitriev on Solovki, and speaking at at Sandarmokh on 5 August 2014. Continue reading